Taxing The Internet To Bail Out Media Won’t Solve The Fundamental Problems Of The Media Business
Hey Google, can you spare a few hundred million to keep Rupert Murdoch’s yacht afloat? That’s essentially what some legislators are demanding with their harebrained schemes to force tech companies to fund journalism.
It is no secret that the journalism business is in trouble these days. News organizations are failing and journalists are being laid off in record numbers. There have been precious few attempts at carefully thinking through this situation and exploring alternative business models. The current state of the art thinking seems to be either (1) a secretive hedge fund buying up newspapers, selling off the pieces and sucking out any remaining cash, (2) replacing competent journalists with terrible AI-written content or (3) putting all the good reporting behind a paywall so that disinformation peddlers get to spread nonsense to the vast majority of the public for free.
Then, there’s the legislative side. Some legislators have (rightly!) determined that the death of journalism isn’t great for the future of democracy. But, so far, their solutions have been incredibly problematic and dangerous. Pushed by the likes of Rupert Murdoch, whose loud and proud support for “free market capitalism” crumbled to dust the second his own news business started failing, leading him to demand government handouts for his own failures in the market. The private equity folks buying up newspapers (mainly Alden Capital) jumped into the game as well, demanding that the government force Google and Meta to subsidize their strip-mining of the journalism field.
The end result has mostly been disastrous link taxes, which were pioneered in Europe a decade ago. They failed massively before being revived more recently in Australia and Canada, where they have also failed (despite people pretending they have succeeded).
For no good reason, the US Congress and California’s legislature are still considering their own versions of this disastrous policy that has proven (1) terrible for journalism and (2) even worse for the open web.
Recently, California Senator Steve Glazer offered up an alternative approach, SB 1327 that is getting a fair bit of attention. Instead of taxing links like all those other proposals, it would directly tax the digital advertising business model and use that tax to create a fund for journalism. Specifically, it would apply a tax on what it refers to (in a dystopian Orwellian way) as a “data extraction transaction.” It refers to the tax as a “data extraction mitigation fee” and that tax would be used to provide credits for “qualified” media entities.
I’ve seen very mixed opinions on this. It’s not surprising that some folks are embracing this as a potential path to funding journalism. Casey Newton described it as a “better way for platforms to fund journalism.”
Unlike the bargaining codes, this bill starts with the right question, which is how to fund more jobs in journalism. Its answer is to use tax credits, a time-tested form of public-private partnership. It structures those credits to incentivize small publishers and even freelance journalism just as much as it helps to support large, existing media companies.
And it does all of that without breaking the principles of the open internet.
And, I mean, when compared to link taxes, it is potentially marginally better (but also, with some very scary potential side effects). The always thoughtful Brandon Silverman (who created CrowdTangle and has worked to increase transparency from tech companies) also endorses the bill as “a potential path forward.”
It’s a simple bill designed to help revive local journalism. Instead of complicated usage-based mechanisms, this approach is very straightforward. It’s an online advertising tax that funds tax credits to support education and journalism. In this case, it’s a 7.25% ad tax (matching the state’s sales and use tax rate) on companies with more than $2.5 billion in revenue.
And here’s the rub: it would raise more than $500 million.
That’s every year.
To put it in context, the single largest philanthropic commitment to local news in the U.S. was the MacArthur announcement I mentioned in the first of this post. That funding represents $100 million a year and is spread across the entire country. This would be 5x that number, would grow over time, has no end date, and is just for California. Of course, as I understand it, some of this money would have to go to the general fund and be directed towards education in the state…that’s also a great use of the funds and there would still an enormous amount left for news (we’ll know more on these exact numbers as more official analysis is completed).
But that is a staggering amount of money and a game-changing amount of potential funding for news in the state. And it’s something that could easily replicated across the country.
But I tend to agree much more with journalism professor Jeff Jarvis who highlights the fundamental problems of the bill and the framework it creates. As I’ve pointed out with link taxes, the oft-ignored point of a tax on something is to get less of it. You tax something bad because that tax decreases how much of it is out there. And, as Jarvis points out here, this is basically a tax on information:
Data are information and information is knowledge. To demonize and tax the collection of information should be abhorrent in an enlightened society. His rhetoric at moral-panic pitch sets a perilous precedent.
Furthermore, Jarvis rightly points out that Glazer’s bill is positioned as something unique when users give their attention to internet companies, but explicitly carves out when users give their attention to other types of media companies. This sets up a problematically tiered system for when attention gets taxed and when it doesn’t:
He argues that he is taxing a barter exchange users make when they give data to internet platforms and receive free content in return. Well then, shouldn’t that tax apply to the exchange we all make when we give our valuable attention to TV and radio and much of the web in exchange for free content? But the bill exempts news media.
Indeed, the entire framing of the bill seems to suggest that data and advertising is a sort of “pollution,” that needs to be taxed in order to minimize it. And that seems particularly troublesome.
As Jarvis also notes, the true beneficiaries of a law like this would still be those rapacious hedge funds that have bought up a bunch of news orgs:
The hedge funds that now own 18 of the state’s top 25 newspapers — the hedge funds that are ruining journalism in California and across America — will benefit. They should not receive a penny. If anyone’s cash flow should be taxed, if anyone should be punished for the state of news today, it is them. Though the money is intended to go to supporting reporters, money is fungible and it will doubtless support hedge funds’ bottom lines more than journalists.
Indeed, the structure of the bill is one that will continue to benefit the failed news organizations, rather than incentivizing newer, better news organizations. That is the problem with all of these approaches, which assume that the answer must be to prop up the businesses that failed to innovate, rather than creating better incentives for more innovative approaches.
Google has warned that, if the bill passed, it would likely stop funding a bunch of other news initiatives that it has funded for years. This shouldn’t be surprising. If Google has already been funneling a ton of money into news initiatives, and then the California government is forcing them to direct hundreds of millions of dollars to its preferred news initiative, it would make sense that the company would drop its other programs and redirect the money to this one.
And, again, that highlights the problematic nature of this whole setup. It’s based on having the government decide who should be taxed and who gets funded. And when it comes to journalism, we should be pretty worried about the government picking and choosing winners and losers. Because that raises serious First Amendment issues and is very prone to just supporting news organizations that treat the deciding politicians nicely, rather than those that do deep investigative reporting and expose corruption and malfeasance.
Not surprisingly, Glazer did not take Google’s announcement well. He obnoxiously declared, “When people asks [sic] who is in charge of protecting our democracy and independent news— now you know.”
But, if the alternative is that the California legislature gets to pick and choose who “protects independent news,” I’m not sure that’s any better.
Honestly, if Glazer didn’t think that his plan would lead Google (and Meta) to pull the money they already put into funding journalists as duplicative, what was he even thinking?
And I say this as someone who could conceivably benefit from this bill. But I don’t trust the California legislature not to play favorites.
A few years back, I visited some elected California legislators to talk about a bunch of policy-related issues. My first meeting with a California state senator set the tone. He asked me if I had heard about a new committee he had set up, and I told him I had. He then said he noticed that I had not reported on that committee. I pointed out that the mere creation of a committee didn’t seem all that newsworthy, but when the committee did something that I thought was worth covering, I would then write about it.
His response was kind of chilling and has stuck with me for years: “well, if you’re not willing to write about what I’m doing, why should I even listen to you?”
It was a demand for political quid pro quo, which is not something we do here at Techdirt.
But I fear that a bill like Glazer’s effectively makes this mandatory. Journalism orgs will need to scratch the California government’s back to get access to these funds.
There are all sorts of reasons why tech companies should consider funding journalism. I think their desire for high-quality data for training AI is a good one, for example. But having the state step in and set the rules seems prone to all sorts of corruption.
Journalism needs new business models. We’re all experimenting all the time with different ideas (and if you’d like to help, there are lots of ways to support us). But we should be pretty wary of governments stepping in with half-baked solutions that could distort the overall world of journalism and the open internet.